of the citizens in a common cause, in which their all, life, liberty, and property was at stake, supplied, in some good degree, the want of an energetic system of national government. In addition to these, a fortunate concurrence of circumstances in the political world enabled congress to engage in the cause of the country some of the most powerful nations of Europe; to triumph in the event, and obtain from Great Britain a full acknowledgment of the sovereignty and independence of the United States. But no sooner was war ended, and peace restored to the country, than the evils of this imbecile system of confederation were fully developed to the astonishment of many and the regret of all. An enormous debt had been contracted, and public credit had fallen to the lowest and most humiliating state of depreciation. The pressure of circumstances ceasing with the war, congress found that they possessed none of the efficient powers of government, legislative, executive, or judicial. Their ordinances were disregarded. The states, from inability, or indisposition, neglected or refused to pay their respective quotas of the national expenditures,—the price of their liberty and independence. In some states the treaties made with foreign nations, particularly with Great Rritain, were disregarded or openly violated. The authority of congress was lost in the power of the several states now found to be, in fact, so many independent nations. Former prejudices, which had subsided during the struggle for liberty were rapidly reviving. Each state pursuing its local and separate interests seemed to bid defiance to any national union of the whole. The effect of this situation began to be apparent in the manners of the people, and in the administration of the state governments. They were verging to the state of small, independent tribes, in the same vicinity. This state of things was visibly contracting the views of the people and forming them to a spirit of faction. The state governments found themselves mostly, incapable of pursuing any energetic system of administration, and the whole country was clearly in a state of moral and political retrogradation. The effect on the minds of the people was no less moral than political. The want of public credit and its concomitant evil, a depreciated and depreciating paper, had nearly rrined their morals, their industry, and their commerce, as well as private credit. Other causes, not necessary here to be enumerated, concurred to enhance the evil. Many began to suppose that the liberty for which they had risked so much blood and treasure, was but the phantom of imagination, the enjoyment of which was never to be realized under any form of government. Some of the wisest and best citizens did not dispair of the republic. They had conceived, that an energetic national government alone could inspire hope of restoring public and private credit, of reviving commerce, of giving any degree of nationality to the union, of securing the faith of public treaties, and in a word, of preventing or repelling the numerous impending evils, which threatened to plunge the country into anarchy and all the miseries of civil war. Congress, fully sensible of the inefficiency of their powers to any national purpose, recommended to the several states to meet in convention by their delegates, to deliberate on a plan of national government which might be equal to the exigencies of the whole. Agreeable to that recommendation a convention of delegates assembled, and proposed the present constitution of the United States, as the result of their deliberations. This constitution is a unique in federal politicsan actual, deliberate, and solemn compact, ratified by the concurrent act of the sovereign people of each state, severally assembled in convention, by their delegates elected for that purpose. CHAPTER III. The Constitution of the United States. The power by which the constitution of the United States was ratified, and from which is derived all the authority of the national government thereby instituted, as well as the great end of its institution, is fully expressed in the declatory clause prefixed to that instrument. "We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this constitution for the United States of America." The government of the United States is constituted with legislative, executive, and judicial powers, vested in distinct and separate departments. The legislative power is vested in a congress consisting of two branches, a senate and house of representatives, whose powers in legislation are mutual and co-ordinate. The representatives are chosen by the people of the several states every second year, and are apportioned by the number of people in each state to be ascertained by an actual enumeration taken once in every ten years. The provision upon this subject as expressed in the constitution is "Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. The actual enumera tion shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each state shall have at least one representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the state of New Hampshire shall be entitlod to choose three; Massachusetts, eight; Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, one; Connecticut, five; New York, six; New Jersey, four; Pensylvania, eight; Delaware, one; Maryland, six; Virginia, ten; North Carolina, five; South Carolina, five; and Georgia, three. The qualifications for the electors of the representatives are not reduced to a uniform rule throughout the Union, but are to be the same in each state as for the electors of the most numerous branch of the state legislature. To be eligible as a representative, three qualifications are necessary, neither of which introduces any odious distinction of classes. To be eligible, a person must have attained the age of twenty-five years, have been seven years a citizen of the United States, and at the time of his election an inhabitant of the state for which he is elected. Property is, in many of the states, a qualification, both of electors and candidates; so far it is a qualification for the electors of the federal representatives; but not for the candidates. Hence it may happen that a person may be elected, who has not a right of suffrage in the election. There is in this, at least, some degree of inconsistency, which it would have been desirable to avoid by extending more uniformly the right of suffrage. It is probable, however, that difficulties on this point would have arisen from an attachment to local usages. When a vacancy shall happen in the representation of a state, the executive authority of the state are to issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. The house of representatives are to choose their speaker and other officers, and to have the sole power of impeachment. The senate of the United States is composed of two senators from each state chosen by its legislature. The senators are divided into three classes. The seats of one class are vacated every second year, and the vacancy supplied by the legislatures of the states, to which the senators of such class respectively belong. Their election is, therefore, in reality sexeniel, and the senate can never be composed of more than one third new members. There are three qualifications for a senator.—He must have attained the age of thirty years, have been nine years a citizen of the United States, and at the time of his election an inhabitant of the state for which he is chosen. To the senate is given the sole power to try all impeachments. When sitting for that purpose, they are to be on oath or affirmation, and when the President of the United States is tried, the chief justice is to preside, and no person can be convicted without the concurrence of two thirds of the members present. Judgments in cases of impeachment can extend no farther than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or profit under the United States; but the party convicted is, nevertheless, still subject to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment according to law. We may with satisfaction observe, that in the qualifications of the senators, there is no feature of aristocracy,-nothing that tends to any permanent distinction of rank. The qualifications both of the senators and representatives, tend only to secure in the national legislature a maturity of experience and abilities, an attachment to the national interests, and the interests of the respective states. The senate choose their own officers,-except that the VicePresident of the United States, for the time being, is President of the senate-and are the sole judges of the elections, returns, and qualifications of their own members. The times, places, and manner of holding elections for senators and representatives are prescribed by the legislature of each state; but congress have power by law, to make or alter such regulations, except as to the place of electing senators. This exception was made that congress might not have it in their power to remove the state legislatures from place to place at their pleasure. Congress are to assemble at least once in every year, which meeting is to be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a different day. A majority of each house, that is, of the members elected, constitutes a quorum for doing business, |