H. oF R.]

The Tariff Bill.

[JAN. 24, 1833.

Mr. MUHLENBERG, of Pennsylvania, rose. I have represent, in part, upon this floor, will, at a proper penot, said he, been in the habit of trespassing upon the riod, when they have had time for reflection and examinapatience of the House, or claiming its indulgence often. tion, when an opportunity shall have been given them to I hope I shall never do so, unless what is deemed duty to express a deliberate opinion, be found of the same mind, my country, to my constituents, to myself, shall seem to accord with me in sentiment. I may possibly be in imperiously to demand it. I will not say that I despise, error, I may possibly not know the feelings and sentibut, sir, I dislike, extremely, exhibitions of this kind, ments of those among whom I have been born and bred, when calculated, as they too generally are, more for ef- and with whom I have been all my life in habits of unrefect elsewhere-abroad, at home, than here, where they strained intercourse; but if in error, I have as yet should principally produce it. The assurance is, there- neither seen nor heard any thing to convince me of it; fore, cheerfully given that neither you, Mr. Chairman, but on these points I have little or no difficulty in my own nor the committee over whose deliberations you have mind. There are, however, Mr. Chairman, other diffibeen called to preside, shall be detained for any length culties in the way, which may not so easily be got over. of time upon the subject now before it under considera- Is this the proper time when the change should be made? tion. The observations I intended to make, and which Does the bill reported by the Committee of Ways and might have been extended to some length had I been so Means, now on your table, suggest the best mode of effortunate as to gain the floor at a seasonable hour of the fecting this change? Upon these points, sir, I have ponday, shall, at this late hour of the evening, be condensed dered often and often, in the calm of the morning, and in into the smallest possible compass-be made so brief that the silent hour of the night. They have been viewed there shall be no complaint of unnecessarily consuming from every side, in all their different possible bearings, the time. and my mind has never been able to come to any other

The constitutionality of the measure under considera- conclusion than that this is neither the proper time for tion, its expediency, and even the quantum of protection making the change, nor the mode proposed by the bill or reduction deemed necessary, have been so amply and before us the best for effecting it.

ably discussed, but a few months since, by the first men Permit me, sir, to say a few words upon these points, of the nation, that it would be great presumption in me and I shall have performed my duty, not a very agreeato expect to throw any new light upon the subject, or to ble, but a necessary one. Gentlemen are continually tellgive it such an aspect as to change even the vote of one ing us, it is every where sounding in our ears, "Now is single reflecting individual of this body, and I should the day, and now is the hour;" but, sir, I do not believe wish to change none else. We have, indeed, had so much it. The aspect of the stars is not favorable; they declare of this subject at our last session, that a hope was justly the day as unfortunate, and the hour as an evil one, and cherished that it would not again be intruded upon us at I therefore say, Beware! beware! Touch not now: hanthis; yet it has come again. Some of us, it is true, ex- dle not now. And why not? Why, sir, every time I reclaimed, in terror, "Shut, shut the door, good John; tie flect upon the subject, a hundred, nay, a thousand reaup the knocker; say I am sick, I am dead;" but it was in sons strike me. It is not necessary to detail them here vain-to no purpose. The gates have been thrown wide at length; they are so evident that he who runs may and open; here it is, with all its usual accompaniments, and must read them. How many months have elapsed since must be met, "nolens volens," whatever our feelings upon the occasion may be.

we passed a bill upon this very subject? It was approved on the 14th of July last, I believe. How long were we engaged in maturing that bill? Some four or five months,

With these feelings and sentiments, Mr. Chairman, it is scarcely necessary to say that I have not risen to discuss if I mistake not. Has it as yet gone into operation? Can the subject before you; its discussion is not necessary; it we positively say how it will operate; what its effects may would be superfluous; no possible good could result from be? Have we had any new light upon the subject since? it. I have risen merely to justify the course I have here- None of any material consequence, I venture to assert; tofore taken in this respect, and shall hereafter take, and none but what should induce us, at least, to give it a trial. the vote I shall probably be called upon to place on re- And now, sir, what are we doing? What are we about to cord on the bill now under consideration. do? Shall we act like children who build up card-houses

The bill, I believe, is called a bill to reduce the reve- merely that they may have the pleasure of blowing them nue, and to modify the duty on imports: I do not ex- over with the breath of their nostrils? Sir, I hope not. I actly recollect the words used in the title; such, however, trust we shall have more respect for ourselves-more reis its import. Well, sir, I am in favor of reducing the spect for our constituents.

revenue to the wants of the Government, to give it an How could we justify such conduct before those conincome only sufficient to meet its wants, calculated upon stituents? Have they requested us to act upon the suba fair and liberal scale. I am in favor of modifying the ject? Did they expect that we would venture to do so at tariff, believing it not only called for by public opinion, the present session? Did they imagine, before we left but necessary, just, and expedient. I trust, also, that it them, that we would venture to undo what we had can be so modified as to satisfy the reasonable portion of scarcely completed-what had not yet had a trial, and of our Southern brethren; I say the reasonable portion, for the effects of which we could say nothing positive? I I find there are unreasonable men there as well as in the think not, sir. I am positive that they did not, as far as eastern and middle sections of the Union. If I had wanted regards my own constituents at least, Have they since proof, I should find it in the explicit declaration made by expressed an opinion upon the subject? Have they given the poetic, learned, and eloquent gentleman from Geor-us any instructions as regards this point? I believe not, gia [Mr. WILDE] last evening, that if the provision raising sir. Here and there only a solitary voice has been heard. the duty upon tea and coffee, contained in the bill, were A few, a very few memorials only, from my own native stricken out, he should vote against it. The tariff, I re- State, have been presented, and it strikes me that these peat it, may, in my humble judgment, be so modified as came in rather a questionable shape. Notwithstanding the to satisfy the reasonable portion of the South, without great respectability of the signatures, and the deserved bringing ruin and utter desolation on the eastern and mid- high standing of my friend who presented them, the nuldle sections of the Union; nay, I sincerely believe, with-lifying source from which they appear to have emanated, out very essentially injuring them.

and which probably set them in motion, may cause them

On these points, Mr. Chairman, I have little difficulty to be regarded with some suspicion as to the purity of in my own mind, and, if I mistake not greatly, a decided the motives by which they were dictated. Be this as it majority of the people of the State I have the honor to may, I must strongly question their speaking the sentiJAN. 24, 1833.]

The Tariff Bill.

[H. OF R.

terity, down to the latest ages; is not the liberty and happiness of the whole human family in the Western and Eastern hemisphere at stake?

ment of the State, as the Legislature, convened for a dif- to act consistently, at every session of Congress you will ferent purpose, it is true, by its resolutions, passed almost be obliged to change or repeal the acts of the preceding unanimously, has spoken in a direct contrary language. one. What would our Union be worth under such cirHere then, sir, if these things are to have weight with us, cumstances? What would the passage of any law avail? here is a voice from Pennsylvania; a voice not entitled to Of what service would meetings of the representatives of instruct-I admit I am rather jealous upon that point- the people be to consult upon the public welfare? I say, a voice, however, which should be heard with great de- then, meet the crisis at once; meet it manfully and fearference, because the same number of people that send lessly. Put down opposition to the laws of the Union. one member to this House, send five members to the State Show only that you are determined to do so, and you will Legislature. need neither sword, nor spear, nor buckler, nor musket, But gentlemen will tell us the situation of things has nor military array. The good sense of the people, the changed since members of Congress have left their homes. virtue and patriotism of the great mass of our Southern The Union is in danger; blood will be shed; the Union brethren, will effect all that can be desired. Why should will be destroyed unless we act, and act promptly. And we doubt it? Is not their own welfare and happiness; is what is this change that is to produce such direful conse- not the welfare and happiness of their children and posquences? I know of none, sir, but the attitude which South Carolina has lately assumed. What effect this may have upon some gentlemen, I cannot tell. Why it is brought into view at all, I know not. Perhaps Southern But, sir, the time proposed for making an entire change gentlemen may expect to gain from the fears of some in our impost system, not only appears to be an improper what they could not well hope from their free, unbiassed one; the mode suggested by the Committee of Ways and judgment. Perhaps the same calculation is made upon Means, for a reduction of the revenues by the bill now on "Northern dough faces," to be moulded as circum- your table, appears, in my humble judgment, equally so. stances may require. I trust such is not the case; I sin- It is unnecessary to enter into an examination of the decerely hope it is not. Should such, however, be the case, tails of this bill. It must at least assume a different shape let me assure gentlemen that they have mistaken their before it can meet the approbation of my constituents. men--yes, sir, they have mistaken their men. If those What this particular shape should be, is equally unnecesdays ever did exist, and I do not believe it, it was an un-sary to describe at this particular period. To mature it merited aspersion; but if they did ever exist, they have properly would seem to require much more time than can passed away, never, never more to return. I trust, sir, be given to it at the present short session of Congress, we shall ever fear to do wrong, always fear to be unjust, which must necessarily terminate on the 3d of March. Or always fear to injure and oppress our brethren, even if is this law also to be changed or repealed again at the next we had the power; but never, never fear to do what our session? Are we to build up another card castle, merely judgment and conscience tells us is right, and our duty to do, be the consequences what they may.

What, sir! shall a handful of unruly spirits-I say it not in anger but in sorrow; I had almost said, of conspirators against the peace and dignity of the Union; but if I had, I should have been pardoned for using the phrase in the warmth of debate, as those who know me best, know that

to blow it over again, when erected, for our own amuse

ment?

While I am up, sir, and on this subject, I will however suggest an idea or two bearing on it. The amount of revenue calculated upon as arising from the public lands, say from two to three millions, evidently cannot be calculated upon as a permanent source of revenue. Why not

I have none but the kindest feelings towards the South, strike it off then at once, as, if we are to submit to reducand have ever acted in accordance with those feelings, tions, and very material reductions, we should at least be wher, imperious duty did not demand a different course- entitled to ask for and receive something permanent in but, sir, shall a handful of unruly spirits compel a large return. This, sir, permanency in a system, I consider as majority of the States to give up a system upon which of more importance than the mere amount of protection they have heretofore believed the best interests of the granted. Instead of raising the duty, as proposed in the country depended? For nothing short of a total abolition bill, on tea, coffee, wines, silk, and other articles which of the protective system would seem to satisfy them. we neither grow nor manufacture, and many of which Shall a handful of unruly spirits compel a decided ma- have become absolute necessaries of life to all classes of jority of the representatives of this great and free people society, to the poor as well as to the rich, let them, if it to destroy this system without even taking time to con- be found necessary, be made entirely free, or admitted sult their masters, the people, upon the subject? I would upon paying a mere nominal duty. Then raise such a advise gentlemen to take counsel of their fears in this revenue by imposts as may be necessary to supply the respect to fear doing wrong in acting contrary to the wants of the Government upon such articles as require well-known and expressed wishes of their constituents; protection, and the protection of which will encourage of those constituents whose known will, I hold, they are our agricultural pursuits and our domestic industry genebound to obey, or resign their situation as representa- rally. In the agriculture, in the labor, in the industry of tives. any nation, its real wealth must always be sought. There

Sir, let South Carolina gain her point, and what will in it will and must consist. Graduate, if you please, this be the consequence? Why, sir, those who, if I under- protection, as the articles may be more or less necessary stand these proceedings correctly, have become nearly to our perfect independence in time of war, and I can traitors to the Union, instead of being punished, not by imagine no real, no reasonable cause of complaint, either steel or hemp, I desire no such means, but by the merit- from the North or the South, the East or the West. ed contempt of all parties, will be rewarded, and all their At a proper time, sir, I shall be in favor of a proper ambitious schemes will be in a fair way of being accom- and judicious modification of the tariff; such a modificaplished. Let South Carolina gain her point, and you es- tion as shall completely reduce the revenue to the wants cape one danger merely to fall into another and a greater. of the Government, calculated upon a fair and liberal In steering clear of Charybdis, you strike upon Scylla. scale, such a scale as is becoming a great and free people. Resistance to the laws of the Union will become a com- At a proper time, I shall be found willing, and, i doubt mon thing, an every day occurrence. But a few years not, a majority of the people I have the honor to reprewill elapse, and, encouraged by the success of South sent, in part, upon this floor, to give up something; nay, I Carolina, we shall find nearly every State in the Union, will not say something, every thing, save our very existeven Delaware and Rhode Island, nullifying; and, in ordersence, to satisfy our Southern brethren, to restore har

H. or R.]

The Tariff Bill.

[JAN. 24, 1833.

mony, and preserve the Union. The Union is the first aspect. They seem disposed to rush upon this question and greatest of all our national blessings, and to preserve as the tiger springs upon his prey. If gentlemen have it nothing can or ought to be esteemed too precious. I no respect for others, they should have some for themgo for the Union, sir, the Union, the whole Union, and selves and for the station which they fill. Whether it be nothing but the Union. It must be preserved, peaceably so or not, the presumption is, that this House is composed if we can, forcibly if we must. To its preservation, firm of men of talents, of integrity, and honor. After the ness is however necessary in the representatives of the picture, Mr. Chairman, which I have here drawn, and people, as moderation and forbearance. If we permit our- which you and every member upon this floor must know selves to be terrified by any clamor which is raised against and feel falls short of the reality; after what we have its laws, it is gone, the Union is dissolved. Let us be witnessed here to-night, it would seem like a heartless just; never tax the people unnecessarily, equalize burdens task to set about gravely discussing one of the greatest and benefits as much as may be possible; let us, in this questions which can here be agitated. Sir, there is no sense, be just and fear not, and all will be well. I had intended, Mr. Chairman, to conclude with a Latin his way than I do; yet I will, even now, at this late hour, more forcibly the difficulty which lies in quotation. My mind has changed. I will leave that to and in the midst of this turmoil and confusion, make the those who delight in such things more than myself; I had attempt to discharge that duty which I feel I owe to my almost said to the schoolmaster and schoolboys. Yet constituents and to my country; in one word, I am deterI might be considered as out of order, judging from the mined, let others act as they may, to do my duty, and practice of a learned and eloquent gentleman, if I did not then trust to my God.

man who feels

say something in an unknown tongue. I will therefore If any gentleman upon this floor can approach this give you something of that kind. It shall not be in Latin question with clean hands, uncontaminated by unholy or French, not in Greek or Hebrew, not in Arabic, Syriac, ambition, or by the prospect of individual gain or local or Chaldean; it shall not be in the language of the Dane, advantage, I think I may safely say I can. or the Norman, of the Goth or the Visigoth, of the Hun constituents believe that they have a deep stake in the Although my or the Finn, but in the language of the Allemanni, of the question, yet they feel that its immediate and direct effect children of Herman. I am, sir, a descendant of Ger- upon them is as little as it will be upon any other portion mans, and I pride myself in having descended from that of their brethren in the United States. But, sir, my high-minded, generous, open-hearted, honest, intelligent, constituents do not limit their views of political economy brave, unwavering, inflexible people, and will conclude to the termination of that horizon which is the extent of with one of their sayings, taught me in early youth, and natural vision; they have a political eye which surveys which has been, heretofore, as I trust it may ever continue, this mighty republic from one end to the other; and they my guide and rule of conduct. The saying is, "Thue have taught me to use this eye when I am called to act in recht, fuerchte Gott, und scheu selbst den Teufel nicht." this hall. They have been accustomed to look at things I might, Mr. Chairman, not be perfectly in order, judg- upon a large scale. Sir, the very scenery by which they ing from the example set me, if I did not translate what has are every where surrounded, imparts to them expansion been said in the unknown tongue. Be it so; I will give of intellect, and an unsubdued feeling of elevated and you both the letter and the spirit. Literally it is, "do extended patriotism, which grasps their whole country. what is right, trust in God, and fear not even the Devil." They are familiar with the mountain that rises swelling In spirit, it is the "be just and fear not" of our own peo- into the clouds; with the majestic river which rolls its ple, expressed only in a more powerful and energetic ample flood to the ocean; with wide-spreading and luxulanguage. I shall no longer trespass upon the indulgence riant valleys which teem with rich rewards to him who of the committee, and am under many obligations for the ploughs them. Thus situated, my constituents are conmarked and distinguished attention with which I have tented, and, I verily believe, as happy as it falls to the lot

been heard.

Mr. ARNOLD, of Tennessee, followed, and spoke till and to its constitution and laws. They hold them sacred of mortals to be. They are devoted to their country, nine o'clock, when he yielded to a motion that the com- as they do the apple of their eye. Nothing can arouse mittee rise. The motion prevailed, and the House ad- them more quickly than to hear of a meditated assault journed. The following are the remarks of Mr. A. entire: upon the institutions of their country, which were built Mr. ARNOLD said he thought they were not quite up by the fathers of the revolution, and under which ready to take the question yet. He said, if he had no they have grown and flourished so happily. They bear other reason for not wishing the question to be then all the burdens of Government most cheerfully. They taken, the temper which the committee had displayed to pay their taxes; and, when a foreign foe invades their night, was, with him, a sufficient one. Sir, said Mr. A., soil, they buckle on the habiliments of war, and fly to what have we witnessed here? Why, sir, an excitement the standard of their country, to repel him, or die in the which has worked us up almost into a riotous mob. Un-attempt. They hold their lives as dust in the balance, der such feelings, was it proper for them to pass judg- when weighed against their liberty and their country's ment upon any subject, much less upon the all-absorbing honor. Representing such constituents, I should feel that one then before the committee; one upon the decision of I was false to them, and unworthy of them, if I did not which he verily believed the fate of this republic depend- make known the sentiments and views which, if they ed? He called upon gentlemen to pause before they were present, would be proclaimed in a voice of thunder. made this rash and disastrous plunge which they seemed I shall, therefore, proceed to discuss this question as so desirous to make. From the deportment of gentlemen though it were noon, and as though gentlemen were perupon this floor to-night, they certainly have forgotten fectly patient and desirous to hear me. what is due to themselves and to the American people, if patience is one grand reason with me why I choose to tax not to those who are opposed to the present measure. it on this occasion. I think speeches to-night, however Sir, I take the liberty to remind gentlemen that they are wide of the mark, are preferable to votes. the representatives of freemen, and that they have been selected for the purpose of discharging many weighty propose to do? Why, sir, it is a very modest little proWhat then, sir, does the bill now under consideration and difficult questions here, that require wisdom, fidelity, position, which proposes to do nothing more than to suband untiring patience. Have they displayed these essen- vert and destroy that system of protection to American tial attributes to-night? I regret, sir, that I am constrain- industry which is coeval with the Government itself-a ed to say they have not. On the contrary, I think they system for which our fathers expended their treasure have exhibited themselves on the very reverse side of this and shed their blood; a system without which inde

Their want of

JAN. 24, 1833.]

The Tariff Bill.

[H. oF R.

pendence is but a name-full of sound, but meaning for reducing us either to a dependence on that nation, nothing. or be clothed in skins, and live like wild beasts in My first inquiry shall be, was this system established in dens and caverns, I am proud to say I am not one of wisdom at the beginning? Preliminary, however, to an- them."

swering this question, I will state a fact which is matter Thus, Mr. Chairman, you see Mr. Jefferson, the great of well authenticated history, and will not be disputed by founder of republicanism, was decidedly in favor, not any body. It is this: There is no nation which has reach- only of protecting duties, but even of prohibition. I ed any degree of eminence, in either agriculture, com- hope his professed followers here, (and gentlemen must merce, or manufactures, but has had the protective sys- excuse me for qualifying the term, for I do not believe tem incorporated into their laws. England, as I will show any gentleman, who is opposed to protecting American in the sequel, protects her home industry by a duty upon industry, is a true disciple of Thomas Jefferson,) I say, I all our principal staples, which excludes them almost en-hope his professed followers here will note this fact, that tirely from her markets. But more of this after a while. Thomas Jefferson, from whom they all pretend to have The question now is, was the system of protecting our imbibed their political creed, was himself a high, yea, an own farmers and mechanics a wise one at the beginning? ultra protectionist. He felt and expressed himself as every I think I need state but a few of the names and opinions American should.

of those who founded it, to ensure the ready assent to the affirmative of this proposition by every true American. At the head of my list stands proudly pre-eminent the father of his country.

Mr. Madison, in 1809, held this language:

"That it is not unworthy of reflection, that the arbitrary edicts of contending nations to obstruct our trade with them, have, so far, abridged our means of procuring the productions and manufactures of which our own is

As early as December, 1796, General Washington used the following short and pithy interrogatory, by way of now taking their place." asserting a proposition:

"Ought our country to remain dependent on foreign supply; precarious, because liable to be interrupted?"

In his message of 1815 he said:

"There is no subject which can enter with greater force into the deliberations of Congress, than a consider

Even at this early period of our history, General Wash-ation of the means to preserve and promote the manu

ington saw and felt the importance of being independent of foreign Powers for every thing that was essential to our comfort or prosperity. He saw that, when we pursued nothing but agriculture and commerce, it was liable

factures which have sprung into existence in the United States during the European wars."

So you see, sir, Mr. Madison thought that no subject could enter with greater force into the deliberations of

to be interrupted in a thousand ways; war, for instance, Congress. What higher commendation could he bestow or any other whim of the monarchs with whom we were upon the "American system," than this? None. He carrying on commerce, would put an end to it, and we had seen our commerce driven from the ocean. He had should be thrown back upon our own resources, wholly seen our ships rotting in our docks, and our corn and unprepared for the shock. He saw, under this system of wheat rotting in our granaries. He saw us destitute of free trade, as it is now called, that, for months, and for many of the necessaries of life. He had seen our soldiers years at a time, our vessels would be compelled to lay at in the late war freezing for the want of blankets and anchor, and our agricultural products to rot in our barns. other necessary clothing. These were lessons of expeHow was this distressing state of things to be avoided? rience which he has never forgot.

Why, by establishing the "American system," of making In 1821 Mr. Monroe recommended the subject to every thing within ourselves, and always taking care to Congress; and in his message to this body, in 1823, he sell more than we bought; by diversifying employment; said:

protection

by withdrawing a part of our capital and labor from com- "I recommend a review of the tariff, for the purpose merce and agriculture, and devoting it to home manufac- of affording such additional protection to those articles tures; thereby furnishing ourselves with the necessaries of which we are prepared to manufacture, or which are life, and at the same time creating a steady home market more immediately connected with the defence and indefor a vast amount of agricultural products. Thus we pendence of our country."

should be wholly independent of all foreign Powers; and Now, sir, I have given you the opinions of four of the unless we could carry on commerce with them upon prin- most illustrious citizens that this or any other country ciples of equality, we would not carry it on at all. Their has ever produced. And what is remarkable, they were wars and revolutions might rage with the utmost fury, all born south of the Potomac; were all raised, and lived, we could stiil carry on our system; but, upon the other and died, south of the Potomac. After this, sir, that principle, every little disturbance in Europe produced the "American system" should meet with opposition distress and ruin here. Mr. Jefferson said, in 1808: south of the Potomac, and, especially, that it should "The suspension of our commerce, [just as General meet with opposition in old Virginia, to me is matter of Washington had said it would be,] produced by the in- profound astonishment, and, unaffectedly, I say, of deep justice of the belligerent Powers, and the consequent regret.

losses and sacrifices of our citizens, are subjects of just I have shown the committee now what the opinions of concern. The situation into which we have been forced, these distinguished citizens were from time to time. I has compelled us to employ a portion of our industry and will now show you what was Virginia sentiment among capital to internal manufacturing improvements; and little the bulk of the people at home.

doubt remains, that the establishments formed, and form

ing, will, under the auspices of cheaper materials and subsistence, the freedom of labor from taxation with us, and of protecting duties and prohibitions, become per

manent."

In 1816, he wrote to a friend thus: "That, to be independent for the comforts of life, we must fabricate them ourselves. We must now place the manufacturer by the side of the agriculturist. The grand

[From the Virginia Argus.]

"HENRICO, June 25, 1808.

"I shall be troublesome to you, I fear, if I were to write half what I think ought to be said on the subject of 'American manufactures.'

"At present I will only say, that if the President of the United States, the heads of the departments, the Governor, councillors of the State, judges and lawyers,

inquiry now is, shall we make our own comforts, or go the members of both Houses of Congress, and of the without them, at the will of a foreign nation? He, there- State Legislature, would publicly wear clothes of Amefore, who is now against domestic manufactures, must be rican manufacture,' their example would be followed by

H. or R.

and feathered.'

[JAN. 24, 1833.

The Tariff Bill. every citizen who is not a hardened tory, and who would tacle of this day was the large number of Virginia cloth well deserve a full suit of British broadcloth, well 'tarred suits which adorned [mark, sir, they adorned] the persons of our citizens. It was a badge for the consolation and "AN ASSOCIATOR OF '74." encouragement of the belligerent Powers of Europe. I will read you now, sir, an extract of an address of Upon this homespun, enthusiasm and the spirit of indeCharles Magill, L. A. Washington, and others, to the far-pendence have stamped all the value, all the pride of ormers of Frederick county: nament. Many of their manufactures, although cbtained "Farmers: We propose to have a meeting on the 4th at a very short notice, were handsome specimens of what of July, at ten o'clock, at Mr. Baldwin's wool factory, our skill is competent to accomplish. When the use of near Perkins's mills, in this county, for the purpose of our own cloth shall become the fashion of the State, as forming some plan for improving the breed of sheep. it is rapidly becoming, the wheels and looms of Virginia The golden opportunity of taking this first step towards will not be deficient in the fineness and elegance of Euthe encouragement of domestic manufactures, ought cer-ropean fabrics."

tainly to be embraced by all those Americans who value Now, sir, after all this, who can doubt the paternity of the independence of their country."

I will now read an extract or two from a fourth of July celebration in Goochland county.

The company were generally dressed in Virginia cloth. Among the regular toasts was the following:

"Domestic Manufactures.--They well co-operate with our republican system to perpetuate the blessings of independence."

This, sir, was a regular toast; and the understanding is, on such occasions, that a regular toast expresses the sentiment of the whole company.

The next extract which I shall read, is a very high and ⚫very just compliment paid to my distinguished friend

the "American system?" Is it not old Virginia's legitimate offspring? If she has a descendant upon the face of the earth, this is one. She conceived it--she brought it forth.

Now, if Washington had wisdom and love of country, then this system was founded in wisdom and love of country. If Jefferson had wisdom and love of country, then this system was built up, and carried to its present height, by wisdom and love of country. In short, if Madison, if Monroe, if the whole shining constellation of Virginia statesmen, who gave her the elevated standing which she once had, were endowed with wisdom and virtue, then this system was founded in wisdom and virtue.

from Massachusetts, who sits before me. I make this But, sir, for the sake of argument, I will suppose that extract not in the spirit of a parasite to flatter my friend, it was originally founded in error, and that it has been but I do it to show that, in those days of true American left to us, in 1833, to find it out. What shall now be feeling in Virginia, she could admire and bear witness to done? Will it be either wise or honest in us to abolish it, talent and virtue wherever found, even on the north of and to abolish it without premeditation or consultation the Potomac. They, on the occasion referred to, usher with our constituents? For, sir, I have met with no man in the name of my honorable friend with this senti- who has had the hardihood to say that, when he left home, his constituents expected that this question would "John Quincy Adams. So long as the Temple of Li- be agitated at this session. Even supposing, for arguberty is worshipped in America, may the part he acted ment's sake, that the system had been conceived in error, while in the Senate of the United States be hailed with I say it would be unwise and dishonest in us now to rapture and delight." abolish it. In order to ensure a universal concurrence The following toast is taken from the fourth of July in this position, I think I need but state a few leading celebration in Mecklenburg:

ment:

facts.

"The manufacturing genius of our countrymen. The The laws which have been passed by Congress were wrongs of Britain first roused it; the aggressions of intended to invite men of capital and of skill to embark France will continue it; and the patriotism of our citizens in this business. I say the laws were intended to invite will reward it."

them; and at every consecutive step which we have made, the faith of the nation was most solemnly pledged that they should be protected against foreign competition.

We are now about to "reward it," by prostrating it and them at the feet of British power, and by sending their wives and children beggars upon a cold and uncha- Under these oft repeated pledges, the capital, the ritable world. Yes, sir, I feel authorized to say, that, if skill, and labor of our most patriotic and worthy citizens this bill pass, it will work the complete overthrow and have been embarked to a very large amount. ruin of the whole system, which has been gradually build- The aggregate capital which is now vested in domesing up ever since the foundation of the republic. tic manufactures is, at least, two hundred and fifty milAt the celebration in Amelia, I find the following most lions. To destroy this capital alone, without considering excellent sentiment among the general toasts: any of its attendant evils, would produce a shock upon "Domestic Manufactures. - Without them no nation can society that would be felt-convulsively felt--from one

be truly independent."

extremity of this Union to the other. But I will proceed The next toast which I will read pays to my friend with some additional facts. And I will take this occasion another, and, if any thing, a higher compliment than that to say, that my most material facts are derived from the which I have previously read. It ascribes to him (and I reports of the New York convention. These facts have, verily believe most justly) a cardinal virtue in a politician, for some time, been before the public. They are the reand which I regret much to say, sir, so few possess in sult of patient examination made by our own citizens, not foreigners, whose opinions I have heard read upon this

these times:

"John Quincy Adams. -The patriot who preferred his floor to teach us political economy. No, sir! I will not country to his party: the passing cloud will make his get our rivals in England to give me advice. I choose to brightness more conspicuous and valued." take it from our own citizens, who are perfectly familiar

I have no doubt but this will be the judgment of pos- with the whole business. The facts which these intelliterity-the high eulogium which they will pass upon his gent and responsible American citizens have put forth, whole political life - "He preferred his country to his and signed with their own names, have never, that I have party." seen or heard, been controverted in one jot or tittle. If The next and only extract which I will read is from the they are not true, and can be controverted, I should be Richmond Enquirer of July 5, 1808: "Yesterday was celebrated in this city with its custo-floor. mary honors. One of the most striking parts of the spec

much pleased to hear some gentleman do so upon this The first branch of American industry to which I will