H. OF R.] Treasury Notes. gions of the sea. He said they were in great distress, and was sorrowful to the heart that they should be so. I have inquired into the cause of that distress, and understand that, in a regular course of trade, they endeavored to purchase the produce of the farmer and planter-of my constituents, who are farmers and planters-at a price at which they could make a profit, and behold they made a loss, and were obliged to sell for half what they gave. If they had made a profit, as they anticipated, we should have heard nothing of their afflictions; they have made a hard bed for themselves, and their faithful and talented representative argues, as I understand the effect of his proposition, to have a United States bank, or, rather, the same one rechartered, to take his constituents off that hard bed and put mine on. Now, sir, I have regard for the mer. chants, as I have for all the citizens of the United States: but when the question is simply, whether his constituents shall lie on this hard bed of their own making, or mine shall; when the question is simply between his constituents and mine, which shall be in affliction, I prefer mine should not be. Sir, I have listened to the various arguments coming from a certain large portion of this House, friends of a bank of the United States, and they appear to resolve themselves into this, "there is no other name given under heaven whereby a man might be saved," excepting only by and through a bank of the United States! Sir, if I believed that it would relieve the people, or even the merchants, and not hurt the other people, and was not unconstitutional, I should be greatly tempted to go for it; for it gives me pain to see any suffer. But, sir, I cannot believe it will relieve the people in general, or fail to ruin a vast proportion of them-whatever it may do with the merchants. [Oct. 5, 1837. debt in gold and silver, for a debt contracted as security for some prudent man possibly some twenty years since; and which debt, when contracted, was contracted in paper. Or it might possibly be, as security for some guardian of an infant, having the utmost confidence in the prudence of the guardian, as well as of his solvency and integrity, who might be himself a money lender, and who, with the conseut of the security, had received the sales of produce on property, all at paper prices; and, however worthless and extravagant the ward might be, the guardian and security, both money lenders, both prudent men, might be sold out to raise specie, if suddenly called upon, to make a better currency, or, for other reasons, just as this ward came of age. A public creditor, in order to get his money in Uni ted States Bank notes, liable neither to discount nor overburden a man, to the amount of a thousand dollars, may and will find, in many instances, his bed sold from under him to pay some other contract, made perhaps years ago, either his own, or as security for some one, who, let things go on gradually, could pay. Many a man, to save five or ten per cent. discount on the transfer of a note from one distant State to another, would have me vote for a United States bank, when, were I to do it, and mine were the casting vote, it would, for other contracts made at paper prices and resolved into specie settlements, now when there is a great debt beyond the seas, sell the bread out of the mouths of his children. I think I know a case of this sort. Sir, I am against selling the people out in this way, either by the help of a bank of the United States, or without it, in order to make a better currency for inerchants and travellers, or for the next generation. As to banks, I never would have originated them, and would get rid of them all, if I could do so without ruining the people or greatly injuring them. They came on gradpay-ually. Let them go off gradually. If one lose five per cent., and another the like, until the bank note is lost, it does not press as hard as for one to lose all and be sold out. Let them go off by depreciation by degrees, as it came on by appreciation by degrees. Its paper, truly, might enable the merchants to pay their debts in Europe. But how? By restoring specie ments. And how is this to be done when there is, proportionally to the engagements now due, or to become due shortly, from the banks and their customers, scarcely any specie in the country? Sir, it must be by substituting the paper of the United States Bank for that now in circulation. How can they pay specie without reducing the quantity of paper circulation? This might enable the merchants to pay their debts in bank notes of the Bank of the United States; and probably would, if they be prudent, without trouble. But what would become of my constituents? Sir, they would be put upon the hard bed, and those of the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. SERGEANT] be taken off it. Mine would be sold out, instead of his, to raise this specie to make a currency to pay debts abroad. To make a fit currency for a man to travel from one end of the world to the other without suffering discount, wearing their pockets out with specie, or be troubled with changing notes. Sir, my constituents owe no debts abroad beyond seas, and few of them travel beyond their own credit; much fewer beyond the credit of their own bank paper. Why, then, should they, or I for them, take steps that will reduce all their paper contracts to specie settlements, and thus sell themselves out? Sir, it was against the wish and will of the people that banks, such as we have them, were created. They were made by their agents, and they with their love of peace and order submitted, and submit to it. The people were then compelled, by the laws of the United States, to make their contracts, in effect contrary to the constitution of the United States, and to that of every State, in paper. Sir, the contracts, whether cash or credit, are all in paper prices. If you have your gold, and I have my paper, and you bid and I bid, my paper fixes the price, unless the paper is above par with the gold. All contracts, executors' bonds, guardians' bonds, and all, are in paper valuation; and, while a man has money out on loan, and thinks himself safe, he may be sold out; his bed may be sold from under his wife, to pay off some security Sir, I view a bank of the United States, compared to a State bank, as a royal Asiatic tiger to a cat. The same in species, nature, and manner of doing mischief; differing only in the power. They have, generally, as far as I have looked into their charters, this other odious exclusive privi lege. The property of the stockholders is exempt from execution by a creditor or a bank, while a co-partner of a mer cantile company, or an individual, is liable in his property to the last cent, and his body liable to be incarcerated, put in prison. This, then, may happen: a stockholder in one of these banks may buy your whole estate, worth one hundred thousand dollars, and take possession of it and hold, and, together with his brethren who may have done the like with others, declare the bank broken, taking care to have no tangible property, and leave you with their notes. You cannot touch them or their property. Nay, worse, the one that bought your property and holds it in defiance of you, may, with one of the notes of this bank, have bought your bond for a thousand dollars, more or less, and put you in jail for it, and, sir, walk at large himself. Sir, they have, at this time, the hitch upon us: not we upon them. Much as I dislike such exclusive privileges and monopolies, and unjust advantages, I am not willing to sell the people's beds from under them for the benefit of one of them, to the exclusion of all the rest, or to spile them all by requiring settlements of paper contracts now in existence, at specie prices, now when there is none in the country, or next to none. Sir, I understand that, in a very short time past, forty millions have been laid out in land in the wilderness; that, clear of interest on the purchase money, will not yield forty cents profit to the present holders in forty years to come. That something like fifty millions are lost on the last crop of cotton, and pro portionally in tobacco and rice, amounting, in the whole, to something like one hundred millions. This, of itself, has created a great debt abroad, and a consequent demand for specie at this time, and must put our banking institutions to much difficulty, in relation to specie, without any thing else. Authorized as they are to issue three or four, or more times as much in notes as they have specie in their vaults, it is obvious, if they do any profitable business, and are tried by their ability to pay debts on demand in specie, they are broken from the first. Their solvency, in that view, depends on the accidental circumstances of their creditors all conting at once. If too many do not call at an unlucky time they can pay in specie; otherwise not: 60 that our security depends wholly, in good times or bad times, upon the accidental circumstance of all their creditors, or even of less than a moiety of them, calling upon the bauks all at once. When, then, there is such a demand for specie to pay this great debt abroad, and when there is one great corporation with such vast resources, still clinging to the name of Bank of the United States, endeavoring to convince us by all possible means I will say all proper means that she alone can keep on a good currenby: and when there is a powerful party fully persuaded, ind by all laudable means endeavoring to show that this administration has produced, and is producing, confusion and mischief in all our fiscal concerns, is it strange that so many should call at once that these banks cannot pay specie for their notes? Certainly it is not; and the people do not consider it strange. Their notes, in their respective districts, will buy more property than specie would have bought last year. This shows the people are not surprised or alarmed at the fact of their stopping payment of specie. Yet, we are told by gentlemen that there is great distress, and it is intimated that there is no relief but by a bank of the United States. Where is the distress? What is it? These land speculators and merchants have bought at high prices and sold at low prices. They have often bought at ow prices and sold at high prices, and have stopped payment, and the banks stopped paying specie, but not making money by shaving the people. Travellers are pestered with shin-plasters; yet, the bulk of the people are yet unJurt, except by the dread that, by a bank of the United States being created, or in some other way, their paper contracts will be forced to be adjusted in specie, and thus sell their property for little or nothing, as was done in 1818, 1819, and 1820, and to make a nice currency. Sir, the Bank of the United States then made it, but how and at what expense? It was my hard fortune to taste some of the bitter fruits of relief then offered and now offered, by thank of the United States. Having encouraged specuation in that day, as banks have done in this day, so much that the president was so disapproved of that he was dismissed and another one chosen, that bank began to make * good currency; such an one as is now offered us, having less specie than almost any other bank of any credit in her vaults; but, backed by the Congress of the United States, and the receipts of the revenue of the United States, to the amount of some twenty or more millions, she required all other banks, but herself; to pay specie, needing not to do it herself except nominally, because she had the receipt and disbursement of the revenue. Her stock stood at something like a hundred and fifty; and that of a bank, having more specie, and under better management, sunk to sixty. Then It was, sir, that, the State banks being called on to resume specie payments, which could be done in no way but by drawing in their own notes to give place for some few in proportion of the United States Bank, I tasted the full, no, sir, not the full, for others got greater benefits and relief than I did then it was that I myself enjoyed a portion of the relief now offered by the Bank of the United States and its friends, having just before purchased property, land, at the previous paper prices. To make a good (H. OF R. currency for travellers and merchants, the relief I obtained was that I found infinite difficulty of getting either specie or paper to meet these engagements. Others of my friends, prudent but less fortunate, had their property sold out entirely to meet engagements which were as prudent and circumspect, but for this relief, as could well be. Then it was that a vast proportion of the land owners on the Roanoke, from the mountains to the ocean, were relieved of the further trouble of their estates which had been in the hands of them and their forefathers for ages before. Soine had bought an advancement for a child; some owed a small store debt; some one small matter and some another, nothing unusual; when this relief came and they enjoyed the whole benefit of it by being, with their families, turned adrift upon the world, to make a good currency for others. Sir, a traveller is a good deal plagued to change his money, and it is very comfortable to have money that is not heavy and will pass any where if convenient. It is not so wonderful, considering the nature and frailty of man, that such men should be willing to give every thing up to the control of a bank of the United States for convenience. A man goes to a certain place hereafter, which from all accounts is not desirable for convenience, still he cannot deny himself the present gratification to avoid the distant but great evil before him. Interest never carried a man there; but what think you, sir, of a man who has no occasion to travel, no debts beyond the seas, nor out of his neighborhood, no debts at all; suffering all these privations and sacrifices, availing himself of this kind of relief, and beggaring his whole family and his neighbors? This may happen to a man out of debt. There are few who have not been guardian or executor, administrator or security, for some of them who may, though ever so prudent, be called on to suffer this kind of relief. I cannot speak for days, I leave statistics to periodicals, and details to those who may choose to indulge in them; but I submit to you, Mr. Speaker, whether the previous banks that have been chartered, and especially the Bank of the United States, have not taken the people rather by surprise? Whether the people have not, when they were informed that one was contemplated, generally refused to elect men who went for them? I will not assert that this is true in every case, but I believe it to be true generally. To come more closely to the amendments now under immediate consideration. Having said enough, I hope, to satisfy any one that I have not only voted and spoken hitherto against a bank of the United States, but am against it, I have little veneration for our banking institutions of any sort. I will now come more closely to the consideration of the amendments immediately before us. Sir, I said, a few days ago, that I preferred to make sale of these bonds due for the stock of the Bank of the United States, as a means of raising money, but did not think there was any chance to get it through this House. I am for it still; I am for getting clear of all the money in the Treasury not necessary. I want as much there as is necessary and no more. the administration to have its constitutional patronage and no more. I want Sometimes, it seems, we have millions on millions; then we have none; which is it, sir? If these bonds are of no value, let them go; do not tantalize us with them as means. If our deposites in the State banks are of no value, let us know it; if they are, let us use them. They are certainly considered as of value; for the bill to withhold the payment of the fourth instalment put every State in the Union, as it appears to me, in a state of duress but a few days ago. The money being, in any way, under the control of the Executive to such an amount is dangerous in the extreme. The mere supposition that it is there, should it not be really there, is capable of producing all this duress and confusion. Let us in some way get clear of it if we have it, and of the mischievous delusion if we have it not. If we sacrifice some of it, it is the people's own money, and they can better bear this sacrifice than the sale of their property, or taking more money out of their pockets. I have said nothing, sir, in regard to the particular merits of the bill, but only of some of the amendments, and have availed myself of this opportunity to throw out some of my opinions generally in regard to the means of relief from the present difficulties. I will go a very little further, and trouble the House no longer. In my opinion, the whole difficulty arises from our having, or having had, or having supposed we had, and still supposing we have, too much money in the Treasury. Remove this, and all is simple and easy. I agree perfectly with the President of the United States in believing we have nothing to do in providing a currency, further or other than as the constitution literally mentions. That instrument fixes a standard to be used when debtor and creditor come to points, and cannot agree as to what the debt shall be paid in. The debtor can get clear by offering, and the creditor can require, if he pleases to do so, the specie which is the standard. Congress cannot add to nor take from this privilege, in regard to either. Every law about money, without saying more, refers to specie only. Every judgment; every execution for money, without any thing more said in relation as to that point, is for specie of course. The Treasurer and Secretary of the Treasury have by the constitution the control of the money belonging to the United States to a great extent. You may shelter them by authorizing them to place the money in this or in that bank. But you cannot make them more responsible. I heard, sir, a great man, I admit him to be so, proving that somehow the notes of a bank which did not pay specie were paper money, but that the notes of a bank that paid specie at the pleasure of the holder, were not paper money. The notes of banks last year were not paper money! The notes of the same bank this year are paper money! Yet the same notes this year will buy more property than the specie they promised to pay, had it been got, would have bought. Paper money this year, then, is better than specie last year. Make a law directing the officer to place his money in a specie paying bank; it is grounded on distrust of the officer. If he be not honest, I say it shelters him; for he may take witnesses, and demand specie for perhaps a note of one hundred dollars, and get it, and then deposite five hundred thousand under the law, and he and the bank may divide it in specie, and stop specie pay ments. There is no getting round it. Put the money in an iron chest, and who is to keep the key? Defend it with bayonets, and who is to keep the bayonets off it? There is no way to keep such vast sums safely out of the hands of the immediate owners. But stick to the simplicity of the constitution. Collect money for the only legitimate object for which you have the right to collect it. Let the law call for money, and nothing more; and direct money to be paid, and nothing more-I mean, naming the amounts, to whom payable, &c. If the public creditor demand specie, by the constitution he must have it. If he should not, the collecting officer being, as he should always when he can be, the disbursing officer, the thing is settled naturally and easily in the usual way, in any money that is current at the time. How simply and easily this thing is exemplified in the case of sheriffs, constables, and such like officers in the collection of private debts, and the revenue of some of the States. Very little money is lost in their hands. None are very jealous of their power and station. Ten times the amount of the proper revenue of the United States is thus collected of private claims and demands, with very little loss in the course of the year. [Ост. 5, 1837. All these judgments and executions, &c., or scarcely with any exception, are for gold and silver, and yet they produce little or no difficulty or alarm. And why, sir! It is, that there is a creditor, or plaintiff, watching and ready to receive his debt in any current money, and specie is not either demanded, or expected to be demanded. So it always has been, and will be, with the Government, when it had no more money than it needed, and did not attempt, by bank or otherwise, to regulate the currency. If the Gov ernment have a little more than it can immediately pay out, and lose some by depreciation or otherwise, it will be but small in all probability, and they ought to lose it, as others are liable to do. As to large surpluses either here, or lodged about among the States, I would as soon undertake to administer medicine to the dead as to produce a cure for the evil effects while the fact remained. These operations, sir, are simple and easy in my esti mation; but let the sheriffs and constables, banks and the like, undertake to regulate the currency and demand specie, and insist upon it whether the creditor or debtor wanted either to receive or to pay it or not, you would have trouble enough. No man would venture to inflict this generally. Few men fail to adjust these things to the satisfaction of the people if possible. It is only in a roundabout way through a bank, as it was done in 1819-20, and about that time, that this cruelty can be extensively inflicted. To conclude, then, sir, I will vote for the sale of these bonds, or any other funds belonging to the United States, with a view of getting clear of all surpluses, real or sup. posed. I want to square off. The more we are entangled with or without money, the more likelihood there is that we may at last have to open the doors to this bank, which, with its old name and old propensities, is just at the threshold, waiting for a chance to enter. It has been often said that that bank makes no application here at this time, but waits for the proper time. And when is the proper time! Just, I suppose, when it has thrown so many difficulties, and obstacles, and arguments, and objections in the way of every thing we can propose or offer that we are willing to call on them. They do not bring in any bill truly, but they endeavor to drive out all bills until some one shall bring that in. It appears to me impossible that a man should not feel himself besieged here by that corporation from year to year. It has been the case ever since I came here. The stages were broken down, and wrapping paper reduced in price from four cents a pound to three, with melancholy and alarming representations of evils that never have happened. I have voted for measures, I expect again to vote for measures I do not altogether like, for fear that, at last, that institution should be rechartered, which I view as injurious to the whole Union, and particularly destruc tive to the prosperity of the South. Sir, why is it that New Orleans, exporting, as she does, an amount of produce far more than any one State in the Union, even than New York, should not be able to import directly any thing worth speaking of from abroad? It is not because she wants currency, either in paper or specie; she has that which is better than either-cotton, that will buy any thing in any market. I cannot but believe that it is owing to the concentration of moneyed capital produced in the North by the former Banks of the United States, trading upon that which is our own money, (for cotton, tobacco, and rice amount to eighty out of one hundred millions, and in that proportion of all the exports of the whole Unt ted States,) the profits from which must pay for all the imports, if they are ever paid for, into the United States in that same proportion; and these banks must have been the cause, in some degree, if not mainly, of that unnatural and apparently unaccountable fact. After Mr. BOULDIN had concluded, the House adjourned. Ост. 6, 1837.] Extension of certain acts of Congress-Florida War. FRIDAY, OCTOBER 6. BILL TO EXTEND THE OPERATION OF CERTAIN ACTS OF CONGRESS. Mr. THOMAS suggested the calling up of the bill reported by the Committee on the Judiciary as to continuing in operation certain laws until the end of the next session of Congress. This bill had been referred to a Committee of the Whole, and Mr. THOMAS moved to discharge that committee, and to take up the bill in the House. The motion prevailed. The bill being before the House, Mr. BRIGGS moved to recommit the bill to the Committee on the Judiciary, with instructions to enumerate in the act the titles of the different laws to which it had allusion. Motion lost. The bill was then ordered to be engrossed and read a third time this day. At a subsequent hour, this bill was read a third time, passed, and ordered to be sent to the Senate for concurrence. FLORIDA WAR. The House then proceeded to the unfinished business of the morning hour, which was the consideration of the following resolution submitted by Mr. WISE On the 19th of September: "Resolved, That a select committee be appointed by ballot to inquire into the cause of the Florida war, and into the causes of the delays and failures, and the expenditures which have attended the prosecution of that war, and into the manner of its conduct, and the facts of its history generally; that the said committee have power to send for persons and papers, and that it have power to sit in the recess, and that it make report to the next session of Congress," Mr. GLASCOCK had moved to amend the foregoing resolution, by striking out all after the word "Resolved," and insert the following: "That a select committee be appointed to inquire into the cause of the Florida war, and the causes of the extraordinary delays and failures, and the expenditures which have attended the prosecution of the same, and all the facts connected with its history generally; and that said committee have power to send for persons and papers. The question immediately pending was the motion of Mr. HOWARD to strike out the words "that a select committee be appointed," and insert "that the Committee on Military Affairs be instructed." Mr. LOOMIS, of New York, who was occupying the floor when this subject was last up, and interrupted by the orders of the day, resumed his remarks, and said that, when this matter was last under consideration, he had commenced some observations in vindication of his predecessor, [Abijah Mann, jr.,] from the censures cast upon him by the gentleman from Virginia. He had charncterized the attack made upon his predecessor, six months after occurrences had transpired, and when the circumstances of the parties had entirely changed, as extraordinary, and, in his view, entirely unjustifiable; and he was about proceeding, when interrupted, to show that no censure could be imputed to his predecessor, even from the Matement of the gentleman from Virginia himself. He Was well aware that he might leave the character of his Wedecessor to its own vindication wherever it was known; and if he had not some observations which he wished to submit on another branch of the subject, and more directly Pertaining to its merits, he should have contented himself let this matter rest where it was, after so long a lapse of une; but he would show, in a few words, that no cenMure was imputable to the majority of that committee, or the individuals who had been designated. The gentleman from Virginia had prefaced his charges by a statement, [H. or R. made with all the emphasis of manner which peculiarly distinguish his remarks, by announcing to the House that he was about to make a statement never before communicated to this House or to the country, and the substance of that communication was, the manner in which the reports of the majority and minority of that committee had been made up. And how was it? Why, sir, stripped of its coloring, and stated in brief space, it was, in sum and substance, that the members of the majority had furnished their chairman-the individual of their party first named on the committee-with their separate views, to be embodied into a report, and Mr. Mann had, in addition, furnished his notes of the proceedings and evidence before the committee; and this chairman of the majority, instead of performing the labor of embodying these views in the form of a report, had entrusted them to their clerk, to be arranged and reduced to form. Now this was the whole substance of the charge announced to the House with so much solemnity, and upon which the answer imputed by the gentleman was grounded. Was there any thing censurable or extraordinary in this? Was there any thing which should call down the indignation of this House, or of the community, as might be inferred from the remarks made by the gentleman from Virginia ? The offence particularly imputed to his predecessor was, that he had actually furnished the notes he had taken of the proceedings, as a member of the committee, to assist in making out the report of the committee. [Mr. WISE interrupted Mr. L., and said that was not the pith of the charge against the gentleman's predecessor. The charge was that he denied that he knew the contents of the report until it was read in the committee; and Mr. Pearce himself had said it was Mr. Mann who furnished the offensive matter for the report. The charge against the gentleman's predecessor was that he was guilty of falsehood.] Mr. L. resumed, and said from the estimation in which the character of Mr. Pearce appeared to be held by the gentleman from Virginia, as exhibited in his former remarks, he should hardly suppose that he (Mr. W.) would introduce him (Mr. Pearce) as a witness against any one. [Mr. WISE. Well, I do confess I would not place much reliance on Dutee J. Pearce.] Mr. L. resumed. He did not understand the gentleman from Virginia, either formerly or now, to say that Mr. Pearce told him that Mr. Mann knew the contents of the majority report; but he understood it that the gentleman inferred that fact from the circumstance that Mr. Pearce told him that Mr. Mann furnished the notes from which the offensive matter was taken. If he was mistaken in this, he desired to be corrected and set right. The testimony did justify the inference, and he could see no impropriety whatever in that circumstance; he considered it the duty of every member of the committee to give his views to the member who drew up the report, and to furnish his notes of the proceedings also, if use could be made of them. It had appeared that the majority had not signed the report as drawn, but had amended it by striking out parts of it, to make it meet the concurring views of the six individuals who composed that majority. This was to have been expected, and the report of the minority shared no better fate. That was drawn by the gentleman from Virginia himself, and his colleagues had declined signing it, as he understood the gentleman to say; and, finally, the gentleman from Virginia alone, being the minority of the minority, and one out of the nine, had drawn up and signed his report alone. This report, the gentleman had informed the House, he wrote with his own hand, crossed the t's and dotted the i's himself, and he (Mr. L.) presumed that he agreed to it unanimously. I have done with this branch of the subject, and have said more perhaps than was necessary to say upon it. With respect to the resolution and the amendment before the House, there was one part of it which Mr. L. considered objectionable. It was that part which gave to the proposed committee power to send for persons and papers. This was a high power which this House possessed, and which, in his opinion, ought never to be entrusted to a committee, except in cases of clear necessity. No such necessity was shown in this case. It was a power very liable to abuse; and though it was not to be expected that a committee of the House would sanction any abuse, yet he thought that prudence dictated to the House to reserve to itself these extraordinary powers, unless a case of necessity was presented. It would be time enough to grant such a power when a committee should inform the House that they had sought information of some person who had refused to disclose it. Does any one doubt but that the Secretary of War would disclose any fact or circumstance within his knowledge, that a committee might require, without being called up as a witness and sworn? Or would any officer in the service refuse to answer any communication from a committee? The resolution before the House embraced a wide range. It would be almost matter of necessity under it to seek information from the officers now engaged in carrying on that war. The commanding general and all his officers would, by this resolution, be subject to be called here to testify before this committee. This war had already undergone several partial investigations before courts martial and courts of inquiry. A great amount of evidence had been taken relating to it, and large sums expended-thousands upon thousands-in eliciting facts. There was now no charge of any concealment by any person; and he (Mr. L.) was averse to instituting a tribunal to try the comparative merits of the several officers who had been engaged in that service. The difficulties attending the prosecution of that war, and which had produced so much delay and expenditure, had been explained by several gentlemen in this very debate. We had been told of the great extent of wilderness, of the swamps and everglades, impenetrable to the whites, in which the savages concealed themselves. We had been told of the difficulty of transporting the necessaries of war, and, above all, of the sickly and unwholesoine climate. These were, doubtless, the true causes; but he (Mr. L.) was not averse to an investigation, but he preferred it should be in the ordinary mode, and by the Military Committee, as moved by the gentleman from Maryland. Mr. L. concluded by moving to strike out that part of the resolution which gives power to send for persons and papers. The CHAIR said this amendment would not now be in order until the amendment pending was disposed of. Mr. GLASCOCK then modified his amendment, by inserting the following: "except such as may be engaged at the time in the service." Mr. WISE suggested to the gentleman that, as the House was to adjourn on Monday week, the committee should have power to sit during the recess, and not have the investigation confined to ten days. Mr. GLASCOCK replied that it would be continued at the regular session of Congress. Mr. WISE hoped that, as the session was now to close in about eight days, that gentleman would also consent to incorporate in his amendment the power to sit during the recess. Mr. W. went at some length into the exposure of the indisposition of the majority in the House in relation to the proposed investigation. He saw very plainly that the same state of things existed now as ever before. The leopard would as soon change his spots (said Mr. W.) as this House will change its determination to do nothing towards exposing the corruption of this Government. [Ост. 6, 1837. As to the old matter, with regard to the committee of investigation, so often alluded to, Mr. WISE said he shoulu not touch upon it again; but he would remark that the gentleman from New York [Mr. LOOMIS] had given abondant evidence of his fitness to succeed Abijah Mann. To show, by a single fact, indisputably proved, that frauds and corruption have attended this Florida war, Mr. Wish produced and read the following papers: "STEUBENVILLE, OHIO, October 1, 1837. "DEAR SIR: The enclosed letters will sufficiently erplain their object, without the addition of many remarks of my own. "On my arrival at Wheeling, a few days ago, on duty, I was informed of a gross instance of peculation, said ta have been committed in Florida by an agent in the employ of the United States, and I immediately addressed a letter to the gentleman who was said to have witnessed the fraud, a copy of which is herewith enclosed, marked A. You will perceive that (having implicit confidence in the integrity of the officers of the army) I expressed the opinion in advance that the fraud was committed by a citizen,' ar! not by an officer of the army.' It is with honest pride I mention the fact that I was not mistaken in my conjecture, as there is no individual in the army of the name of Skirner. I will now venture the further prediction that, whenever you ferret out the rats, you will find them to beleng to the sovereign people,' and not to our much-abused little army. "The individual (Skinner) above alluded to, I understand, was, at the time, a citizen of Irwinton, Alalama. "In one particular, however, my information was incorrect, as it was stated to have occurred in Florida, and you will perceive by Mr. Smith's answer (marked B) that it took place at Fort Mitchell, Alabama. I do not start this new game with any expectation or wish of diverting you from the chase in Florida, but simply to show you that the late Creek war is equally worthy of notice. "We, my dear sir, are no politicians. We obey the orders of our superior, and endeavor to do our duty, leav ing the strife of party to those whose constitutional right it is to select our rulers. The only boon we ask is to have rigid justice meted out to us. If the army has not met the expectations of the country, and has failed in the Florida war, it should be borne in mind that fifteen thours.d citizen soldiers' have failed also. If three major generals of the army' have been unsuccessful, it should not be for gotten that the Governor of Florida, having the pulle Treasury at his command, and a whole summer to mal: his preparations, was, likewise, unsuccessful. If the Am ican arms have been disgraced,' as has been so often serted on the floor of Congress and in the public papers, thank my God that I did not (although I served in throt campaigns) witness the humiliating spectacle. With one exception, wherever the Indians were seen, they we charged and driven until they were lost in swamps an hammocks. If we could not pursue them further and estel them, it was because the God of our natures did not enc us with the fleetness of the savage, and the scenting fand ties of the bloodhound. If the army is inefficient, thert must be some reason for it, as every effect has a est But on this head I have not time to dwell, although man reflections are presented to my mind. One remark, how ever, I will make, and I do it with the freedom of anc acquaintance. If the country is dissatisfied with the army in God's name let it be disbanded; for I would rather an humble practitioner of the humblest hamlet than see the army insulted by the taunts and stale gibes of every news paper witling. "In conclusion, I must distinctly disavow any and even political motive in forwarding you this communication My sole aim is to vindicate the character of the army, a to add my humble mite towards an investigation which, |