tates of France, and the provincial legislatures in the Belgian and Dutch governments; examples which, however imperfect, are nevertheless highly instructive, inasmuch as they present the existence of the system in monarchical governments, to which they are much less adapted than to countries where free institutions prevail. It is clear, also, from the various plans which were proposed in the convention which framed the American constitution; some of which seem to have proceeded upon the idea, that the United States composed one aggregate community, and were modeled upon the hypothesis.

A certain number of deputies then will be sent to the national, and to each of the local, legislatures. As regards the first, shall the whole country constitute one electoral district, or shall each of the local divisions compose one, the people voting by general ticket; or shall these divisions be subdivided into districts, each containing the population which entitles it to one member. The first plan may be dismissed as absurd. It has never been thought of, even in those European monarchies where the principle of representation has been introduced. The electors would be completely confounded in looking over a vast extent of country, for several hundred individuals, whom each was to vote for, and no choice could be understandingly made. The central government, or its managers, would choose for them.

But even if a selection in the genuine sense could be made, there would be no representation of the minority. The party in the majority would wield the power of the commonwealth without control, without the corrective influence, which an antagonist party is so well calculated to exert. The minority might approach to within one or two hundred of the majority, among two or three millions of votes, yet the last would elect every member. Even in the consolidated governments of Great Britain and France, therefore, the country is divided into electoral districts, which is a plain acknowledgment that, even where there are no local governments, there should be local representatives. The justice and utility of recognizing in some mode or other the local interests, is forced upon society, even where the form of government seems to forbid the idea. The arrangement which nature makes of human affairs sometimes rides over all the laws which are intended to counteract it.

With regard to the two other modes of election, by general ticket in each of the great local divisions, or by electoral districts carved out of those divisions, the reasoning which has already been employed, is equally applicable to show that the latter is greatly to be preferred, whether the elections are to the national, or the local, legislatures.

In England, as before remarked, knights of the shire were originally the representatives from the counties. The shires were local divisions of the kingdom, and the knights of each shire deputed one of their own number to parliament. The continuance of these parliamentary districts has survived the artificial state of society from which it sprung, and contributes in an eminent degree to the freedom and independence of the legislative body. It is this mode of election which has given rise to the question so often agitated: is the member elected the representative of the whole state, or of the district which chooses him; -which is in some respects similar to another question which might be put: whether man is an individual or a member of society. The answer would be nearly the same in the two cases. Man is both an individal and a citizen; and the deputy is a representative of his district, and at the same time of his whole country. And as that system of private conduct which most effectually consults the welfare of the individual, conduces most to the prosperity of the community, so that system of public conduct which most truly advances the interests of one part of the country, is certain to redound to the advantage of the whole. But inasmuch as men do not always see things as they really are, as ignorance, prejudice, and egotism lead them so much astray in whatever regards the public interests, the system of domestic government is contrived in order to prevent the interference of sectional with the national interests. And thus the question, is the deputy the representative of his district, or of the country, is of infinitely rarer occurrence in the United States, than it would be if the population composed one aggregate community. Election by districts mitigates the rigor of the rule, that the majority are entitled to govern. It draws the bond of responsibility closer, and it breaks the force of party spirit. The first has been sufficiently explained.

Where local legislatures are created, the effect is that the national interests are not represented in them, nor are the local interets represented in the national assembly. This is the general tendency of he plan; though as the boundary between the two jurisdicdictions cannot be drawn with exact precision, exceptions will necessarily occur. The responsibility of the deputy to the local legislature will be stronger, because, if his constituents are local, so also are the interests which he represents. The responsibility of the deputy who is sent to the national legislature will be more complete : because, although his constituents are local, the interests which he represents are exclusively national. Where this distribution of the powers of government is established, this further effect takes place. As the responsibility of a legislative body is in an inverse ratio to the number of its members, after a certain point is reached; so also the responsibility of the members is greater, where those to whom they are immediately accountable do not compose a great multitude. The representative of a district is constantly exposed to the gaze of his constituents. He might hide himself among two or three millions of people. He cannot do so among fifty or an hundred thousand. Whatever contributes to afford a clear insight into public affairs, and enables everything to be seen in its true light, abates the violence of party spirit. Whatever shrouds them in mystery, and causes them to be seen confusedly, gives force to party spirit. The representative is the instrument of communication between his constituents and the world of politics; and whatever causes his conduct to be distinctly surveyed, causes the system of public measures to be more easily grasped, and more generally understood.

9

[APTER VIII.

PARTIES-THE OFFICE THEY FULFIL IN A REPUBLIC.

MANY persons of great intelligence, and who are inclined to look with a favorable eye upon the progress which society is everywhere making, when they behold the scene of strife and contention which parties in a republic give rise to, recoil from it with dismay, and are instantly disposed to take refuge in what they denominate strong government. Nevertheless, it is most certain, that the distinguishing excellence of free institutions consists in their giving birth to popular parties, and that the annoyance and inconvenience which these occasion to individuals, both in public and private life, are productive of incalculable advantage. It is a great mistake, with our knowledge of the constitution of human nature, to suppose that society would be better ordered if its surface were a perfect calm.

The democratic principle has come into the world not to bring peace, but a sword; or rather to bring peace by a sword. One may easily conceive of an individual, that his various faculties may be so evenly balanced as to give rise to the justest and the most consistent scheme of conduct. And one may liken the state to some huge individual, and say that the rival views and opinions of different parties conspire to the same end; that when these are free to give utterance to their sentiments, a similar equipose takes place among all parts of society, and that something like a regular system takes place in the conduct of public affairs.

The human mind, with all its capabilities of thought and action, is wonderfully disposed to listlessness; so that it requires the most powerful incentives in order to rouse its dormant energies. And the condition of the great majority of mankind is such, that none but those sensible interests which touch them on every side can be relied upon as the instrument of moving them. By giving a full play, and a favorable direction to these, we succeed in imparting activity to the disposition. And this being attained, a great amount of thought and reflection is sure to be developed among the great bulk of the population. Party spirit at bottom is but the conflict of different opinions, to each of which some portion of truth almost invariably adheres: and what has ever been the effect of this mutual action of mind upon mind, but to sharpen men's wits, to extend the circle of their knowledge, and to raise the general mind above its former level. Therefore it is, that an era of party spirit, whether religious, philosophical, or political, has always been one of intellectual advancement. A powerful understanding may be sufficiently stimulated by the study and investigation of abstract truth: but the diffusion of knowledge in the concrete, seems to be indispensably necessary to produce this effect among the great majority of mankind.

The existence of parties in a republic, even noisy and clamorous parties, is not therefore a circumstance which should be regarded as inimical to the peace and welfare of the state. It should rather be received as a special and extraordinary provision, for furthering the interests and advancing the intelligence of the most numerous class of society. By creating an arena on which all men may be active and useful, we are certain of attracting an incalculably greater number to the pursuit of industry and knowledge than would be possible under any other state of things. The growth of popular parties constantly keeps pace with the diffusion of industry and property. The diffusion of industry and property, by exercising the mind intently upon small things at first, exercises it earnestly and seriously upon important ones in the end.

The true theory of popular parties then consists in multiplying the employments of private individuals, -in increasing the active industry of the whole community. The regular deportment and habits of reflection which these produce counteract the vicious tendencies of the system, and operate as a safeguard against the extreme excesses and the violent revolutions which occur in other countries. As the interests of private persons under this system become more and more identified with those of the state, each one has a desire and a motive for understanding and taking part in public affairs. The question in human affairs is never whether any particu